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Former SBU Anti-Terror Chief Sentenced to Life for Spying for Russia's FSB

Elena MarquezPublished 2month ago4 min readBased on 2 sources
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Former SBU Anti-Terror Chief Sentenced to Life for Spying for Russia's FSB

Dmytro Kozyura, the former head of the Security Service of Ukraine's anti-terrorism unit, was sentenced to life in prison by the Shevchenkivskyi District Court in Kyiv on treason charges, after being convicted of spying for Russia's Federal Security Service, according to BBC News.

The case is striking not for the sentence itself — Ukrainian law provides for life imprisonment on high treason convictions — but for the seniority of the accused. Kozyura was not a peripheral figure; he led the SBU's counter-terrorism directorate, a unit with access to operational intelligence, source networks, and the architecture of Ukraine's internal security apparatus. Penetration at that level carries consequences that extend well beyond the individual case.

Ukraine's SBU has been the subject of sustained scrutiny since Russia's full-scale invasion in February 2022. In the months that followed, President Volodymyr Zelensky moved to purge the service after revelations that a significant number of its personnel — including regional chiefs — had collaborated with Russian forces or been recruited as assets. The scale of that internal compromise was one of the war's early institutional shocks, and it triggered sweeping personnel changes under then-SBU director Ivan Bakanov, who was himself dismissed in July 2022. Since then, Ukrainian prosecutors and courts have worked through a substantial docket of espionage cases involving former and serving officials.

Kozyura's conviction adds a particularly sensitive name to that list. The anti-terrorism unit sits at the intersection of intelligence and law enforcement, handling threats ranging from sabotage and assassination plots to hostage situations. An officer at its helm would have had visibility into both active operations and the identities of personnel running them — precisely the kind of institutional knowledge the FSB prizes in a recruited source.

NV Ukraine reported the conviction on 25 June 2026, with the BBC confirming the details a day later. Neither source disclosed the precise timeline of Kozyura's alleged cooperation with the FSB, the specific intelligence he is accused of passing, or how the investigation was initiated — details that Ukrainian authorities routinely withhold in active-war espionage proceedings to protect ongoing counterintelligence work.

The opacity is itself informative. Ukrainian courts have handed down life sentences in high-profile treason cases before, but prosecutorial discretion on case details has tightened considerably since 2022. The standard practice now is to confirm the verdict and charge, and say little else publicly — a posture calibrated to deny Moscow any signal about what Kyiv knows or how it found out.

Life sentences for state treason in Ukraine carry no automatic parole mechanism. Kozyura's legal options are limited to appeal within the Ukrainian judicial system, a route that has rarely reversed outcomes in wartime espionage convictions.

For Kyiv's security establishment, the verdict closes one chapter but leaves open the harder question of systemic vulnerability. High-level recruitment by the FSB — particularly of officers who rose through the SBU during the pre-2022 era of ambiguous institutional loyalties — reflects a long-running counterintelligence problem that predates the full-scale invasion. The SBU's post-2022 reforms were designed to address precisely this: compartmentalisation of sensitive operations, accelerated vetting, and the systematic removal of officers with personal or professional ties to Russia. Whether those reforms have fully closed the exposure is something neither Kyiv nor any outside observer can assess with confidence from publicly available information.

What the Kozyura verdict does confirm is that Ukrainian counterintelligence has retained the capacity to investigate and prosecute at the highest levels of its own institution — an operational and institutional achievement, whatever broader vulnerabilities may remain.