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KRG's Barzani Declares Neutrality as Iran War Devastates Kurdish Infrastructure

Elena MarquezPublished 5h ago5 min readBased on 9 sources
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KRG's Barzani Declares Neutrality as Iran War Devastates Kurdish Infrastructure
Image by damianlopjus from Pixabay

Kurdistan Regional Government Prime Minister Masrour Barzani said no party pressured the Kurdish region to join the US-Israeli war on Iran and that the region does not want to be a party to any regional conflict, in an exclusive Al Jazeera interview published August 8, 2026. The statement comes as the Kurdish region grapples with the physical fallout of a war it did not choose to enter.

Barzani said the Kurdish region's infrastructure has been severely damaged by more than 1,000 missile and drone attacks since the war on Iran began on February 28, 2026. The attacks have come from Iran directly or from within Iraq via militias. The scale of the bombardment places the Kurdistan Region among the most heavily impacted non-belligerent territories in the current conflict. Barzani had signaled this posture of nonalignment even before the war's onset, telling media in February 2026 that the Kurdistan Region "will do everything possible to stay out of any confrontation between the United States and Iran" The National.

One of the most consequential strikes occurred in March 2026, when Iran's Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) targeted the al-Harir Air Base near Erbil with five missiles, describing it as "the headquarters of the invading US army." Barzani said the base was empty when struck because it had not hosted US troops for almost ten years, since coalition forces defeated ISIL. US troops remained in Erbil to fight terrorism, Barzani said, and their presence had repeatedly come under attack Al Jazeera.

The IRGC's targeting of an evacuated facility raises questions about the quality of intelligence driving Iran's strike decisions in northern Iraq, though Barzani did not speculate on Tehran's motives. What is clear from his account is the disproportionate burden the KRG has borne: over 1,000 attacks on civilian and military infrastructure in under six months, despite the region's declared neutrality.

Barzani also addressed the domestic arms landscape, saying the KRG supports the Iraqi government's effort to restrict arms to official forces only. That position aligns the Kurdish region with Baghdad's declared policy. In May 2026, Iraq's Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi promised in a speech before parliament that the state will have a monopoly on arms, setting a September 30 deadline for all armed factions to disarm and surrender their weapons to state control. Whether that deadline produces compliance from Iran-aligned militia groups remains an open question, and the KRG's endorsement, while diplomatically significant, does not itself alter the balance of coercive power on the ground.

On the diplomatic front, Barzani said Kurdish regional authorities maintain no relations with Israel, while ties with Syria and Turkiye were deepening through "mutual cooperation." The Syria channel is particularly notable: KRG President Nechirvan Barzani met Syrian President Ahmed al-Sharaa in Damascus, in the first visit by an Iraqi Kurdish leader to Syria since the fall of Bashar al-Assad in December 2024. The outreach to Damascus signals the KRG's effort to build bilateral relationships with post-Assad Syria independently of Baghdad's foreign policy framework.

The KRG's diplomatic maneuvering unfolds against a complex internal backdrop. The ruling Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) won the delayed regional elections held in October 2024, but ongoing disputes between the KDP and the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK) have complicated the formation of a new government. Intra-Kurdish tensions have a violent history, though PUK leader Bafel Talabani said in an October 2018 Al Jazeera interview that "another intra-Kurdish conflict will not happen." The current security environment, with external attacks straining resources and infrastructure, adds pressure on both parties to resolve their governance dispute.

US President Donald Trump and Israel have suggested that arming Iranian Kurdish fighters could tip the balance of power inside Iran, where Kurds make up about 10 percent of the population. Barzani's explicit disavowal of involvement in the war, combined with his rejection of external pressure, can be read as a response to that proposal. Opening a Kurdish front inside Iran would almost certainly draw retaliation against the Kurdistan Region, which has already absorbed substantial punishment despite its noncombatant status.

The KRG's position reflects a calculated hedging strategy. Barzani condemned "in the strongest terms" an air-strike assault in Iraq that killed three PMF fighters and two Iraqi police in March 2026, a statement that signaled his willingness to critique violence regardless of the perpetrators. His February 2026 pledge to avoid confrontation, reiterated and expanded in the August interview, establishes a consistent rhetorical line. The region's challenge is that rhetoric alone cannot intercept missiles or compel militias to disarm. With Baghdad's September 30 disarmament deadline approaching and the Iran war showing no signs of abating, the KRG's capacity to maintain neutrality depends less on its own declarations than on the decisions made in Tehran, Washington, and the militia strongholds of southern and central Iraq.