Inside the Free Speech Union's £60,000 Crowdfunding Gap

Staff inside the Free Speech Union raised concerns that the organisation would need to explain how it spent roughly £60,000 crowdfunded for the legal case of Julian Foulkes, a retired police officer whose action against Kent Police was ultimately handled by a pro bono lawyer (The Guardian).
An internal email sent by a senior staff member in July 2025 said Foulkes could be "quietly sidelined" and that the group would need to account for money raised for a case done pro bono. A former employee told The Guardian the crowdfunded money was "just a big joke to everyone" internally.
The Free Speech Union, founded in February 2020 by Conservative life peer Toby Young, took up Foulkes's case after the 71-year-old retired officer from Gillingham, Kent, was arrested and handcuffed at his home roughly 18 months before the Guardian's August 2026 report. His arrest followed a social media post about antisemitism. Kent Police later apologised, and the Kent Police and Crime Commissioner demanded answers from the force over the detention.
With the Free Speech Union's backing, Foulkes launched a legal action against Kent Police for wrongful arrest. The group's crowdfunding appeal quickly raised £50,000, then raised its target to £100,000. By May 2025, the BBC reported £35,000 had been raised toward a £50,000 target; the Guardian's August 2026 account, citing the higher figure of roughly £60,000, supersedes that earlier reporting. Kent Police ultimately awarded Foulkes an out-of-court settlement of £20,000.
Foulkes's legal action, however, was handled free of charge by a London-based solicitor, according to sources and the Free Speech Union's own social media posts. That arrangement is what triggered the internal alarm: if no legal fees were incurred, donors and the public could reasonably ask where the crowdfunded money went.
Toby Young has pushed back against the implication that the case cost the organisation nothing. He said the case was not handled on an exclusively pro bono basis, that another lawyer was involved, and that Foulkes had separate legal costs. Young also said any Free Speech Union funds raised beyond what was needed for Foulkes's external legal costs were reallocated to pay for external legal costs in other similar cases and not for any other purpose.
Foulkes himself declined to answer questions about whether the Free Speech Union gave him money. He told The Guardian his case was "done and dusted" and "water under the bridge."
The episode arrives at a delicate moment for the Free Speech Union, which claims to have fought more than 6,000 cases on behalf of individuals who have been "cancelled or silenced" across the political spectrum. The organisation's website states it has helped over 6,000 people who found themselves in trouble for expressing a controversial opinion or exercising lawful free speech at college or university, in the workplace, or on social media. It invites visitors to become members and submit a case if they are already in trouble for their speech, and says its team of experts provides assistance, resources and support to people needing help with free-speech issues.
The broader context here is one of accountability for advocacy organisations that rely on public crowdfunding. The Free Speech Union's model depends on donors trusting that contributions will be spent on the specific cases they were solicited for. Internal acknowledgement that the group needed to explain its handling of the Foulkes funds suggests staff recognised the reputational risk. Young's statement that surplus funds were redirected to other cases rather than returned or held offers one answer, but it also raises questions about whether donors to the Foulkes appeal were informed their money might be spent elsewhere. No evidence in the available reporting confirms that donors were told of any reallocation.
The gap between the settlement Foulkes received (£20,000) and the amount raised (£60,000) is likely to sharpen scrutiny, particularly given that the legal work was pro bono. Whether the Free Speech Union publishes a detailed accounting of its spending on the case may determine whether this remains an internal matter or escalates into a broader credibility problem for an organisation whose central promise to supporters is that it will fight, and fund, their legal battles.


