Kashmir's 100-Day Internet Shutdown Outlasted Its Election

Internet access in Pakistan-administered Kashmir was still severely restricted on September 15, 2026, more than 100 days after authorities cut mobile data and broadband services.

The suspension began on June 5, 2026, and had not been restored. Internet observatory NetBlocks described it as a partial blackout in place since June 5, with metrics showing major disruption to connectivity in Azad Jammu and Kashmir. A later NetBlocks assessment, reported on September 14, described access as severely disrupted at the 100-day mark, a finding consistent with conditions reported the following day Al Jazeera.

As of September 15, mobile data and broadband remained suspended. Websites and apps used for online banking were still unavailable. The shutdown had outlasted the electoral cycle it was imposed to control.

The shutdown that outlasted polling

Protests over electoral reform erupted in early June. On June 5, authorities banned the Jammu Kashmir Joint Awami Action Committee (JKJAAC), the coalition leading the agitation.

Officials advised nonresidents not to travel to Azad Jammu and Kashmir between June 5 and June 20. Local elections had been scheduled for July 27. Deadly clashes occurred on that date.

Polling was then staggered over three rounds. The final phase took place on August 10. Voting did not take place in certain protest strongholds for security reasons. A government was formed based on results from the rest of the region.

Residents and local estimates say more than 50 people, including seven law enforcement personnel, died in the unrest. Protest leaders had earlier claimed more than 60 civilians died in less than two months, a figure superseded by the later local accounting used as of September 15.

Amnesty International called on Pakistani authorities in late July to lift the communications blackout following reports of lethal force used against protesters amid the elections Amnesty International.

The dispute over 12 seats

Pakistan-administered Kashmir is governed under a semi-autonomous system, meaning it has its own prime minister and legislative assembly but remains under Pakistan's overall authority.

The assembly has 45 seats in total. Twelve are reserved for refugees from Indian-administered Kashmir living elsewhere in Pakistan. The JKJAAC demanded removal of those 12 seats.

That demand concerns apportionment and franchise, shorthand for how seats are divided and who gets to vote. Elected members from the 12 refugee seats sit in the same legislature and vote on matters affecting residents of the territory, while their electorates live outside it. Supporters of change argue the arrangement dilutes territorial representation, like letting voters outside a district pick its representative. Defenders say it preserves a link to the broader Kashmir dispute and to displaced populations.

The broader context here is what the June and August decisions settled and what they left open. The June 5 ban on the JKJAAC removed the principal vehicle for negotiation just as protest hardened. The move to staggered polling, then to forming a government without voting in protest strongholds, resolved the administrative question of succession. The representational question was left open. A legislature chosen without participation from its most mobilized districts can legislate and appoint, yet its authority in those districts will be contested.

Human and institutional costs

The blackout imposed clear economic and educational costs. Banking apps and websites remain inaccessible, forcing reliance on in-person transactions and cash. The government postponed entrance exams amid disruption of the academic year.

To understand the wider cost, it helps to look beyond crowd control. Blackouts of this length interrupt commercial settlement, documentation, journalism, legal filings, and remote study. They also restrict independent verification of casualty claims, use of force, and polling conditions. NetBlocks metrics provide external confirmation that connectivity collapsed NetBlocks, but metrics cannot substitute for local reporting on what occurred during the information gap.

In my view, three variables will shape what comes next. First, restoration. Partial blackouts are often lifted in phases, with broadband before mobile data, or with whitelisting of banking and educational domains, meaning those sites are allowed first. No phased restoration had been reported as of September 15. Second, inclusion. Whether authorities schedule voting in the areas bypassed for security reasons will indicate whether exclusion was temporary or structural. Third, adjudication. The 12-seat question, the ban on the JKJAAC, and allegations around lethal force each require a forum perceived as credible by both the government and protest constituencies. Without that, the shutdown risks becoming the status quo rather than an emergency measure.

As of September 15, the record shows a semi-autonomous territory held multi-phase elections under a communications blackout, lost more than 50 lives by local count, seated a government without some of its core districts voting, and entered its fourth month offline with banking and exams suspended.