Politics

Why Labour, Conservatives and Lib Dems Are Sitting Out the Clacton By-Election

Eleanor WhitcombePublished 4w ago4 min readBased on 7 sources
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Why Labour, Conservatives and Lib Dems Are Sitting Out the Clacton By-Election

Labour, the Conservatives and the Liberal Democrats have all confirmed they will not stand candidates in the Clacton by-election triggered by Nigel Farage's resignation, according to the BBC. Restore Britain has also ruled itself out, the Telegraph reported.

Farage set out his reasoning in a 20-minute video statement recorded at Reform UK's headquarters in London. He said the contest would be "a chance to stick two fingers up to the entire establishment" and insisted he had "done nothing wrong" over his finances, accusing the establishment of using "foul means" against his party, the BBC reported. When asked whether the resignation was a stunt, he described it as "a big gamble."

Reform sources told the BBC the party wants the contest held quickly, with polling day possible as early as August. The party has also offered to cover the running costs of the by-election, last estimated by government at £228,964 in 2016. Farage won Clacton in the 2024 general election with a majority above 8,000, ahead of the Conservatives in second place. Labour, the Liberal Democrats and the Greens followed. This substantial margin helps explain why his rivals see little point in contesting a rerun so soon.

Kemi Badenoch confirmed the Conservatives' decision not to field a candidate. ITV News reported on 7 July that multiple parties had rejected taking part, with cross-party alignment rare in electoral contests but natural here: why spend resources fighting a seat you are unlikely to win?

The resignation sits against an unresolved standards inquiry. Parliament's standards commissioner, Daniel Greenberg, has been investigating Farage since May 2025 over his failure to declare a £5 million gift from Reform donor Christopher Harborne. Farage has described that sum as "the equivalent of a lottery win" and said it would go towards his personal security costs. The inquiry has been paused by his resignation but could resume if he wins the seat back and returns to the Commons — meaning the by-election does not settle the question, only delays it.

A second financial thread runs alongside. The Sunday Times reported that George Cottrell, a longstanding Farage ally, supported the 2024 general election campaign by paying for Farage's security staff and working on his social media output. The Telegraph separately reported that Cottrell and his mother, Fiona Cottrell, made payments connected to Reform deputy leader Richard Tice: an £80,000 loan from Cottrell to Tisun Investment in late 2024, and a £1 million donation from Fiona Cottrell to Britain Means Business, a think tank Tice owns, in June 2024.

Those payments were flagged to the National Crime Agency under its Suspicious Activity Reports programme. Tice has said he only learned of this after being contacted by the Guardian, and has since written to the NCA's director general seeking an inquiry into whether the agency itself leaked his private financial information. The NCA's response was pointed but procedurally standard: it said it "does not confirm or deny the receipt of suspicious activity reports (SARs), nor comment on how any SAR is used," adding that breaching confidentiality risks a tipping-off offence under the Proceeds of Crime Act.

Formally, the standards inquiry and the by-election are separate matters — one is a parliamentary process, the other electoral tactics. But Farage's own framing collapses that distinction. By casting the contest explicitly as "people versus the establishment," he is asking Clacton voters to treat scrutiny of Reform's finances and a fresh electoral mandate as the same question. Whether that framing survives an actual campaign, rather than a carefully produced video on his own party's premises, is untested.

The near-total absence of mainstream opposition changes what a Reform win would actually demonstrate. Without Labour, the Conservatives or the Liberal Democrats on the ballot, a comfortable Farage victory would say less about his standing against rival parties than about turnout, media coverage of the standards questions, and whichever fringe or independent candidates do come forward. The dynamic more closely resembles a safe-seat by-election than a contest bound up with an active parliamentary inquiry.

Timing remains unsettled. Reform's preference for an August poll would compress the standards commissioner's paused inquiry into background noise for weeks rather than months. Should Farage win and Greenberg resume his investigation once Farage retakes his seat, the same questions that shadowed his resignation will simply follow him back into the Commons.