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A New Report Says Indian Companies Have Been Sending Weapons Parts to Israel

Elena MarquezPublished 2d ago4 min readBased on 6 sources
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A New Report Says Indian Companies Have Been Sending Weapons Parts to Israel

Amnesty International, a major human rights organization, released a report on July 29, 2026, saying that Indian companies have been sending weapons, ammunition, and military parts to Israeli defense suppliers since October 7, 2023. The report, titled "Made in India: The Supply of Weapons and Ammunition to Israel" (document ID ASA20/1327/2026), says these exports carry a "substantial risk" of being used in what Amnesty calls the "ongoing genocide against Palestinians" in Gaza.

Amnesty's team looked at 2,596 shipments of weapons, ammunition, and parts sent from India to Israel during this period. They used trade data to find shipments going to Israeli companies that supply the Israel Defense Forces. Researchers left out shipments that might have been for civilian use and focused on goods classified under international trade codes for arms and armored vehicles. Amnesty called its method "conservative," meaning the real amount of arms India has sent to Israel is probably higher than what the report shows.

The numbers are detailed. Indian companies sent at least 390,516 small arms parts for military-grade weapons to Israeli military suppliers. They shipped at least 564,970 parts of explosive ordnance, including drone warheads and artillery shell casings. They also identified 298 components for military vehicles. Al Jazeera confirmed these findings with 91 Indian customs export documents covering arms-related shipments to Israel in 2024. These documents, filed under a customs code that India's Ministry of Commerce defines as "bombs, grenades," showed Indian firms exporting weapons parts to specific Israeli arms manufacturers: Rafael Advanced Defense Systems, IMI Systems Limited, and MCT Materials.

Amnesty International Secretary-General Agnes Callamard said the report shows India's continuing support to the Israeli military and defense sector despite what she called the genocide in Gaza. Callamard also said India has failed to regulate arms exports to Israel by private companies in line with international law and standards, and has deepened its defense partnership with Israel. Amnesty International published its findings alongside the full report on July 29, 2026.

The report comes with a legal backdrop that Amnesty emphasizes. The International Court of Justice — the top court of the United Nations — issued orders in 2024 telling Israel to take action to prevent genocide in Gaza. International law, including a treaty called the Arms Trade Treaty, says countries exporting weapons must check whether those weapons could be used to commit serious violations of international humanitarian law. Amnesty's argument is that India's exports fail this test.

The broader context here is the depth of the India-Israel defense relationship. India has been Israel's biggest defense buyer for years, accounting for 29% of total Israeli defense sales between 2020 and 2025, according to SIPRI data. The arms flow documented in this report moves in the opposite direction: from India to Israel. That reverse flow, smaller in volume but very specific in the types of parts involved, has received far less attention than the billions India spends on Israeli defense imports.

A few things make this story important for anyone following arms trade rules and India's foreign policy. First, the report relies on trade-data analysis instead of government disclosures because India does not publish detailed data on who it sells defense exports to. This forces outside organizations to piece together supply chains from customs records and shipping data. Second, the parts identified — small arms parts, artillery shell casings, drone warheads — are consumables, meaning they get used up quickly in active military campaigns. They are not long-lasting systems like missiles or aircraft. This means they likely go straight into ongoing military operations rather than sitting in storage, which sharpens the legal question of whether India is meeting its obligations under international humanitarian law. Third, the report complicates India's diplomatic position. New Delhi has long presented itself as a voice for developing nations and a supporter of Palestinian self-determination at the United Nations, even as it has steadily expanded defense ties with Israel. The Amnesty investigation makes that tension clear and puts numbers on it.

What is uncertain is whether the report will lead to any policy response within India. The Indian government has not publicly addressed the specific findings. Amnesty is calling for an immediate suspension of all arms transfers to Israel. If that demand were met, New Delhi would have to interrupt private commercial supply chains and potentially place restrictions on defense firms that operate in both directions of the India-Israel trade relationship. Whether that demand gains traction beyond the international courts in Geneva and The Hague is a separate question.