Nearly Half of Young Australians Live at Home: What HILDA Shows

Just under half of Australians aged 18 to 29 lived with their parents in 2024, up from 39% in 2001. The estimate comes from the Household, Income and Labour Dynamics in Australia (HILDA) survey, published on 23 September 2026, which follows the same households over time to measure economic and social change The Guardian.

HILDA has tracked the same households since 2001. It covers about 17,000 people a year in 9,000 households and is managed by the Melbourne Institute of Applied Economic and Social Research. It is a nationally representative household-based panel study, which means it follows a sample designed to reflect the country and returns to the same people. It collects information on economic and personal well-being, household and family relationships, income and employment, and health and education Melbourne Institute.

Young men are more likely than young women to live at home. Among 18- to 29-year-olds living at home in 2024, 36% were full-time students. For those who paid rent or board to their parents, housing costs generally absorbed less than 20% of income Australian Institute of Family Studies.

In 2024, 84.4% of working-age men and 76% of working-age women had jobs. More than half of women aged 25 to 44 now hold a university degree. For men aged 25 to 44 who did not complete Year 12, the final year of secondary school, the full-time employment rate fell from 70% in 2001 to 63% in 2024. The share of that same group outside the labour force, meaning not working and not looking for work, rose from 12% to 22%.

Median disposable household income, the middle income after taxes and transfers, peaked in 2021. By 2024 it was lower than the 2021 peak but higher than in 2019. Australians on average report lower financial wellbeing than before Covid-19, despite higher median household incomes.

Children who grow up in rental housing move every 2.3 years on average, according to researchers at Adelaide University ABC News.

The broader context here is co-residence as private insurance. Extended parental housing cushions longer study, uneven entry-level work, and the income volatility that followed the pandemic income peak. A board burden below 20% helps explain why the pattern holds. It preserves savings capacity and spending power, while renting often entails frequent moves for families without ownership.

Looking at what this means for policy, the divergence matters more than the average. Graduate gains among prime-age women contrast with weaker full-time attachment and rising non-participation among low-credentialed prime-age men. Subjective financial wellbeing lagging measured income points to distribution, debt servicing and expectations rather than medians alone. For housing, labour and welfare, delayed household formation is not a pause. It is a reallocation of risk and cost to the parental household.